一位外宾采访我后发过来的报道（2001）

武夷山

     加拿大亚太安全联合体简讯2001年5月号上有一篇报道涉及一位名叫J.D. Kenneth Boutin（当时他是新加坡南洋理工大学防御与战略研究所的博士后）的学者对我的采访。这则报道(部分)如下,其中只引用了我一句话(用红色标出)。

CANCAPS Bulletin  29 - May 2001

Going Global: Economic Construction and the "Opening Up" of China

J.D. Kenneth Boutin, Ford-IDSS Postdoctoral Fellow in Asian Security, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University

Chinese decision makers have attached considerable importance to economic

development since the founding of the People's Republic in 1949. This has been accompanied by sharp disagreement over appropriate developmental strategies, however. Particular controversy surrounds the question of economic self-reliance, which many consider crucial to China's security.1

Continuing concern over self-reliance has kept China relatively isolated in economic terms, even after the decision to "open up" in the late 1970s. China is currently at the threshold of another policy watershed, as it prepares for entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) against a backdrop of deepening integration into transnational economic structures and processes. This is a far more radical departure than that involved in the initiative towards "market socialism." Not only will this further expose China to exogenous economic forces, but this is proceeding despite concerns arising from the destabilizing effects of the process of participation in the global economy that is already underway.

China, Economic Development and Security

A "comprehensive" approach to security has characterized China. Concern over external threats to the territorial integrity and independence of China has been accompanied by concern over threats to internal stability and to the continued leadership role of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). These threats are not entirely mutually exclusive, but they generate distinct policy responses and their perceived relative importance has waxed and waned over time. Recent years have seen an emphasis on intra-state aspects of security. In June 1996, for example, Wei Jianxing, Secretary of the CCP's Central Discipline Inspection Committee, described stability as the "prime task."2

Successful economic development has been considered crucial to stability due to its role in meeting the material needs of China's population. Between the time of the Sino-Soviet split and the decision to expand economic relations with the capitalist countries, economic construction was largely based on China's own resources. This was despite the pressing developmental requirements stemming from the need to repair the damage inflicted by the failed Great Leap Forward.3

Limited foreign assistance, primarily in terms of purchases of capital goods and technology, was overshadowed by efforts to develop China's indigenous technological and industrial capabilities.

Chinese decision makers reconsidered this approach only when forced  by further domestic developments. The shift to a new developmental paradigm in the 1970s, in concert with the Four Modernizations program, resulted from concern over the severe dislocation caused by the Cultural Revolution and the perception that while China's post-1949 economic development had been respectable, it remained inadequate.4 China's desire to exploit the opportunities provided by greater participation in the international economy was tempered by concern over the domestic implications of this, however. Thus Chinese efforts to increase exports and to obtain the technologies necessary for China's development were accompanied by efforts to carefully manage the conduct of its foreign economic relations. This was exemplified by China's attempt to limit direct contact with

foreign firms to a limited number of export-oriented special economic zones.

China and Globalization: "Opening in All Directions"

Globalization has been the subject of extensive discussion within China. While this concept remains as contested there as elsewhere, it is recognized as having a major impact on a range of issue areas. Globalization generally is conceptualized in inclusive terms in China. According to Wu Yishan, Director of （the Center for Information Analysis and Research ,博主注：我是中信所某一中心的主任，不是整个研究所的Director，原文未表达清楚,所以我在括号中补充说明一下）the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China, economic, technological and cultural globalization are considered interrelated.5

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References

1. See Han S. Park and Kyung A. Park, "Ideology and Security: Self-Reliance in China and North Korea," in Edward E. Azar and Chung-in Moon, eds. National Security in the Third World: The Management of Internal and External Threats (Aldershot: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1988), p. 119.

2. Andrew Wedeman, "Corruption and Politics," in Maurice Brosseau, Suzanne Pepper and Tsang Shu-ki, eds. China Review 1996 (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1996), p. 83.

3. See "Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Directive on Present Problems in Industry," in Christopher Howe and Kenneth R. Walker, eds. The Foundations of the Chinese Planned Economy: A Documentary Survey, 1953-65 (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1989), p. 97.

4. Richard P. Suttmeier, Science, Technology and China's Drive for Modernization (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1980), p. 6.

5. Interview with Wu Yishan, Beijing, 14 March 2001.

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