学术论文中，需要在现有文献的基础上阐释研究成果。如果表达的观点过于强势，可能会招来他人的怀疑或攻击。与之相反，过于软弱无力的观点毫无意义。因为，你的观点受限于可获得的数据量和研究范围。

学术写作中，基于证据提出的观点，使用模糊限制语有助于提高其可信度。本文将节选一篇论文的不同部分作为实例，讨论如何使用模糊限制语。注：不同学科之间存在差异，自然科学的研究人员能够根据实验结果提出言之凿凿的观点，而社会科学的研究人员则较难做到这一点。因此，为更好地展示模糊限制语的用法，本文以一篇社会科学论文为例（论文链接）。

The concept of perceived threat occupies a key role in the study of authoritarianism (Cohrs et al., 2005a, 2005b; Doty et al., 1991; Kossowska et al., 2011; Rickert, 1998; Roccato et al., 2014). One of the central issues in the literature concerns what kinds of threats are involved in authoritarianism (Duckitt, 2013, p. 2). While several studies contend（认为） that threats to normative social order activate authoritarian pre-dispositions (Doty et al., 1991; Feldman, 2003; Feldman & Stenner, 1997; Rickert, 1998; Roccato et al., 2014), others suggest（表明） that perceived threats to personal health or well-being are more consequential (Asbrock & Fritsche, 2013; Hartman et al., 2021; Hetherington & Suhay, 2011; …

… There was some support for the conditional effect…

… but the conditional effects of primes were generally stronger for Republicans than for Democrats...

In addition, no moderating effect of threat primes on anti-immigration attitudes in the AZ-FL-TX sample was observed. There is some evidence from previous studies showing that public opinion on immigration or refugees remained unchanged in the aftermath of some terror attacks, suggesting that there may be limits to the influence of traumatic events, especially concerning attitudes that are already relatively stabilized (Silva, 2018; Van Asscheh & Dierck, 2019). In addition, high salience of threats observed among respondents in the sample may also be the reason for the lack of empirical support for the moderating effect of threat on anti-immigration attitudes (but also see Hartman et al., 2021).

The results contribute to the literature that underlines the importance of the authoritarian dynamic and threat perceptions in predicting support for extraordinary policies during the COVID-19 pandemic. They also present empirical evidence that both high and low authoritarians may be likely（可能） to support tough law and order policies and to some extent （在某种程度上）harsh punishments toward noncompliers depending on what types of threat are most salient to them. 

小结