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[转载]纽约时报:普京成功给德国人洗了脑Why Germans Love Russia

已有 5804 次阅读 2014-5-8 07:22 |个人分类:感言社会|系统分类:海外观察|关键词:纽约时报,大人物,俄罗斯,乌克兰,克里米亚| 俄罗斯, 纽约时报, 乌克兰, 大人物, 克里米亚 |文章来源:转载

和大多数外交政策专家一样,我对俄罗斯吞并克里米亚、不断对乌克兰东部实行“软侵略”的行为感到大为震惊。这种赤裸裸的侵占领土行径竟然发生在21世纪?


但让人意外的不只是俄罗斯。如果你关注过德国国内关于乌克兰危机的讨论,你会看到另一种奇怪景象:大批退休政客和公众人物在电视上为俄罗斯辩护。


  根据这些大人物——包括前总理格哈德•施罗德、赫尔穆特•施密特——的说法,北约和欧盟才是真正的侵略者,因为他们胆敢东扩着莫斯科的合法利益区域。德国部分民众也认同这一看法。


  你以为德国人是国际法和世界文明秩序的拥护者?且慢。


  他们是公然的伪善者。这批人曾运用国际法来指责美国侵略伊拉克,现在摇身一变,成为现实主义者,为俄罗斯侵略他国找借口。


  实际上,布什政府虽然捏造了伊拉克的罪名,但至少手握16次联合国安理会决议撑腰。弗拉基米尔•V.普京,这位俄罗斯总统,却连一个都没有。前后两次迥然不同的立场,唯一的共同点是反美。


  有些亲俄情绪是俄罗斯宣传工作的成果:《世界报》周日版的调查报道发现,俄罗斯支持者的隐秘网络勾勒了德国公共话语的格局。连德国政府赞助的德俄对话论坛也充斥着普京的朋友们——甚至来自德国这一边。


  但德国普通民众中间还隐藏着一股潜流,试图复兴令人难堪的德国传统。我们总以为德国是西欧国家,但这很大程度上是冷战盟友的产物。在这之前,东、西德之间存在很大一条裂痕。


  冷战结束距今已有25年,德国社会大可以再度脱离西方。Infratest/dimap(德国最大的民调机构——观察者网注)上月调查显示,49%的德国人表示希望本国在乌克兰问题上持中间立场,既不站在西方一边,也不站在俄罗斯一边,仅45%的德国人坚定支持西方阵营。


  政治光谱的两极都有反西方情绪。左翼本能地反美,只要谁挑战世界格局和西方领先地位,就站在谁一边。


  欧洲的民粹主义右翼则认同俄罗斯的宣传,认为欧洲太“娘炮”、太宽容、道德沦丧、不够“基督教”,欢迎独裁领袖撼动欧洲软趴趴的多边主义。


  你可以发现,反对欧元的“再造德国”党最能体现德国的这种思想趋势。他们把德国思想拉回19世纪,憎恶西方文明,将未受西方价值观和自由资本主义污染的俄罗斯文明加以浪漫化。


  这两种反西方情绪都已持续数十年,但一直处于政治末流。如今,他们的思想被部分社会精英和政客所接受。再加上德国企业对俄罗斯的大笔投资,导致原本强烈亲西方的默克尔政府束手束脚。


  左右两边的政客都忽略了夹在德国与俄罗斯之间的居民的命运,以及德国过往的历史。


  有些人会说,他们对俄罗斯的同情来源于二战时纳粹暴行的负罪感。但我们不能忘了,是德国首先从西面侵略了波兰,几天后,苏联才从东面进攻,双方秘密商定分裂东欧。


  德国名流向俄罗斯意识形态鹦鹉学舌,斥责乌克兰“不再是像样的国家”,或者把夹在西方与俄罗斯之间的国家都当作二等民族、主权不完整。这让人想起东欧的悲惨历史,纳粹和苏联独裁者将这篇土地变成“血泊”。


  数十年来,德国试图理解纳粹历史,并从中吸取教训。现在另一个国家迎来独裁领袖,试图用民族主义情绪煽动的侵略行为来维护政权稳定。


  任何一个知道纳粹历史的人都能够明辨是非,而不是为俄罗斯人找借口。我的许多同胞没能通过这一关。


  话说回来,最近一项调查显示60%的德国人称,希望本国支持西方在乌克兰危机期间的立场。俄罗斯尚未停息的侵略行为总算对民意产生了一点影响。不过,这表明仍有近半数德国人对西方国家和西方价值观没有多少情结——这正中普京下怀。


  (本文2014年5月6日原刊《纽约时报》国际版,原标题Why Germans Love Russia.)

Why Germans Love Russia




BERLIN — Like most foreign-policy experts, I was shocked by Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its continuing “soft invasion” of eastern Ukraine. Can such a naked land grab really be happening now, in 21st-century Europe?

But Russia’s actions were not the only surprise. If you have followed the German debate about the Ukraine crisis, you have witnessed another strange phenomenon: a parade of former politicians and public figures going on TV to make the case for Russia.

According to these august figures — including former Chancellors Gerhard Schröder and Helmut Schmidt — NATO and the European Union were the real aggressors, because they dared to expand into territory that belonged to Moscow’s legitimate sphere of interest. And it seems part of the German public agrees.

You thought that Germans were the champions of international law and a rules-based world order? Think again.

There is a blatant hypocrisy here. At times the same people who had relied on international law to attack the American invasion of Iraq are now, as newborn realists, excusing Russia’s need to infringe on the sovereignty of other nations.

In point of fact, despite its trumped-up charges against Iraq, the Bush administration had at least 16 United Nations Security Council resolutions to support its case. Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s president, had zero. The only common denominator of both positions seems to be an underlying anti-Americanism.

Some of this pro-Moscow sentiment is the work of Russia-sponsored propaganda: A recent investigative report by the newspaper Welt am Sonntag revealed how a shady network of Russia supporters has shaped public discourse in Germany. Even dialogue forums with Russia, co-sponsored by the German government, are full of friends of Mr. Putin, even on the German side.

But there is also a disturbing undercurrent among ordinary Germans that harks back to old and unfortunate German traditions. We have come to think of Germany as a Western European country, but that is largely a product of Cold War alliances. Before then it occupied a precarious middle between east and west.

Twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War, German society may well be drifting away from the West again. In a poll last month by Infratest/dimap, 49 percent of Germans said they wanted their country to take a middle position between the West and Russia in the Ukraine crisis, and only 45 percent wanted to be firmly in the Western camp.

This anti-Westernism is coming from both sides of the political spectrum. There is the part of the left that is instinctively anti-American and takes the side of whatever international actor happens to challenge the status quo and the leading Western power.

Then there is Europe’s populist right, which agrees with Russia’s propaganda that Europe has become too gay, too tolerant, too permissive in its morals and too un-Christian, and which welcomes an authoritarian leader challenging Europe’s fuzzy multilateralism.

In Germany, you can find this current best represented by the new anti-euro Alternative für Deutschland Party. They take up a conservative strain of German thinking dating back to the 19th century, which harbors a resentment toward Western civilization and romanticizes a Russia seemingly uncorrupted by Western values and free-market capitalism.

Both versions of anti-Westernism have been around for decades; until now, though, they have been confined to the political fringes. These days they are accepted by parts of the elite and sections of the political center. That, combined with the enormous investment by German companies in Russia, is placing constraints on how aggressively the government of Angela Merkel, Germany’s strongly pro-Western chancellor, can act against Russia.

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What unites the apologists on the left and right is a striking disregard for the fate of the people who inhabit the lands between Germany and Russia, and a truncated notion of German history.

Some apologists will explain their sympathy as a matter of debt to Russia for German atrocities during World War II. But it is important to remember that the war started with Germany invading Poland from the West — and a few days later the Soviet Union invading Poland from the East, after both sides had secretly agreed to split Eastern Europe between them.

And so when German public figures, parroting Russian propaganda, dismiss Ukraine as “not a real country anyway,” or treat countries at the fault line between the West and Russia as second-class nations with somewhat lesser sovereignty, they are evoking memories in Eastern Europe of the bad old days, when the Nazis and Soviets turned the region into the “Bloodlands” of their respective dictatorships.

For decades Germany has tried to come to terms with its fascist past and to learn important lessons from it. And now, in another country, there comes an authoritarian leader who is trying to stabilize his regime by pursuing aggression abroad on the grounds of ethnic nationalism.


For anyone who has grappled with Germany’s Nazi past, it should have been easy to call right from wrong in this case, instead of finding excuses for Russia’s actions. It’s a test that too many of my compatriots have failed.

To be fair, in a recent poll 60 percent of Germans said that their country should stand with the West in the Ukraine crisis. So Russia’s ongoing aggression is having some effect on public opinion. But that still means that nearly half of all Germans do not feel a deep connection with the West and its values — which is precisely what Mr. Putin wants.

Clemens Wergin is the foreign editor of the German newspaper group Die Welt and the author of the blog Flatworld.





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